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Description
Banks Power 64328 PedalMonster, Throttle Sensitivity Booster with iDash DataMonster for many Isuzu, Lexus, Scion, Subaru, ToyotaWhat Is It? PedalMonster is the first OBD II connected throttle sensitivity controller for gas and diesel vehicles and is tuned to eliminate your factory dead pedal feel and throttle delay. This kit comes with a banks iDash DataMonster with datalogging ability and can be controlled via Banks iDash or mobile app (iOS and Android) PedalMonster is the only module of its kind to offer safety features like ActiveSafety, Reverse Safety, and Adjustable Low
What Is It?
PedalMonster is the first OBD-II connected throttle sensitivity controller for gas and diesel vehicles and is tuned to eliminate your factory dead pedal feel and throttle delay.
This kit comes with a banks iDash DataMonster with datalogging ability and can be controlled via Banks iDash or mobile app (iOS and Android) PedalMonster is the only module of its kind to offer safety features like ActiveSafety, Reverse Safety, and Adjustable Low-Speed Trim. No other throttle booster has the same level of safety, ease of install, and additional features.
Key Features
- 50-State Emissions Compliant or Pending
- Simple plug-and-play installation
- Warranty friendly. Does not leave footprint
- Powered by +12V via OBD, not low-overhead 5V circuit
- City, Sport, and Track modes, with 10 sensitivity levels
- Control and view activity in real-time via iDash and mobile app
- ActiveSafety, Reverse Safety, and Adjustable Low-Speed Trim
- Low-Speed Trim controls how fast sensitivity is added at slow speeds
US Patents # 10,933,885 B1, # 7,593,808 B2 and # 7,254,477 B1
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4.6 ★★★★★
Based on 2307 reviews
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Product Reviews
★★★★★ 4
Excellent and thorough
This must be the definitive history of voting in America. I hold back from giving it five stars because it was a little more than what I was looking for, but this is as thorough as I have ever come across. Also, I love charts and graphs, and he has a great array of tables at the end. Interesting tidbit was the role war played throughout American history in expanding the right to vote. Also, though we all know how the right to vote gradually expanded, but what many of us didn't realize was how the right to vote actually shrunk at various points in American history. That is, some people who had the right to vote had it taken away at various moments in American history. When all is said and done, this is a great book.
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Reviewed in the United States on December 18, 2007
★★★★★ 5
read!
Format: Kindle
I had to read this book for a political theory class, and I thoroughly enjoyed it. Keysarr did a great job of researching and writing it. It was not as dry as some of the other, similar books I've read. I would definitely recommend this one, even if it's not for a class.
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Reviewed in the United States on April 26, 2014
★★★★★ 5
Excellent Book
Format: Kindle
Detailed exhaustively researched history of the right to vote in America. I learned more from this book than any other source.
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Reviewed in the United States on February 24, 2021
★★★★★ 5
Great reference for college US History I & Ii.
Format: Paperback
My college course references this book for US History I & Ii at Temple College in Texas.
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Reviewed in the United States on June 21, 2022
★★★★★ 4
A useful study
Format: Hardcover
This is a book that will make you angry. If you are a conservative, this book should make you feel very guilty. It is important to begin with that this book is a detour from Keyssar's larger project, which was supposed to be a history of the American working class' electoral participation. After struggling with the work for several years he realized that he needed to publish a whole book explaining what the right to vote actually was in American history. The result is a history of the slow and uneven path to universal suffrage in American history. We learn about the existence of the vote before 1776, the improvement that occured with the revolution, and the larger improvement that occured with the Jeffersonian/Jacksonian period in which the large majority of white men were able to vote. At the same time we learn of efforts to counter the expanding suffrage, such as disfranchisement of free blacks all over the country before 1861, attacks on the voting rights of paupers, felons, migrants and aliens, as well as the disfranchisment in the early 1800s of the limited voting rights women had in the early 1800s. Keyssar then goes on to discuss the narrowing of the portals from the 1860s to the 1920s, periods ironically bounded by giving the vote to blacks in the 1870s and to women by the 1920s. But in between that period nearly all blacks and many whites were disenfranchised in the south, while literacy, residence, nationality and registration systems sought to limit the vote in the North (while "asiatics" were barred in the west). The book concludes with the successful passage of the Voting Rights Act and the twenty-sixth amendment, but also with low turnout, an extremely narrow political spectrum, and government structures which limit political participation and reinforce conservative values.
Much of this will not be new to historians, though never before has there been such detail and the twenty appendixes provided at the back will be invaluable for future reference. Sometimes Keyssar gives a qualititative estimate of how many Americans could vote (he suggests that perhaps 60% of white Americans could vote before 1776, a figure much lower than the 80-90% posited by more Panglossian historians). And there are many interesting details, such as the New York plan where registration was supposed to take place on Yom Kippur, conventiently leaving out many Jews. But otherwise the full results have been reserved for his upcoming work. This weakens his criticisms of American exceptionalism, since without a clear understanding of how much the vote declined in the North, we cannot see how fully the ponderous elitism of Parkman and Godkin were like the undemocratic aspects of German or Italian or even British liberalism. I am also do not agree with his description of slaves as a "peasantry." This implies that the majority of white farmers who were not slaveholders were a) not peasants and b) were otherwise indistinguishable on a class basis from the slaveholders. Recent southern agrarian history makes this assumption quite questionable. It is true that Americans were unenthusiatic as Europeans about the rise of the proletariat and rural subaltern classes, but it is insufficient to say that mass suffrage only occured because such classes were a small proportion of the population. They were also a small proportion of the population in France in 1848 and 1851 when universal male suffrage was declared, which did not prevent a greater degree of struggle over the question in that country. Enfranchising the majority of any population would raise serious issues of class domination and control regardless of the class structure. Nevertheless this is still a useful study, and reading the petty, racist, misogynist, self-serving and self-satisfied arguments against the suffrage will be a depressing experience. To think that such injustices could be continued for two centuries thanks to the endless cant of "state's rights" long after the republican content of that slogan had drained away will infuriate you.
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Reviewed in the United States on October 18, 2000
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